CHAPTER 6: Vision of a New Society
As an alternative to the neo-Fascist, neo-feudal, privatized-
totalitarian highly evolved capitalist society we have just pictured in Chapter
5, it is possible to envision another kind of society, the kind of society based
on the principles developed in this book, a society that might be described as
compassionate, democratic and socialistic. It would be a society in which
political-economic power would be shared equally by all citizens. It would be a
society in which both political and economic rights protected the weakest and
most vulnerable individuals. It would be a society base on individual decisions
and individual demands; thus the individual would be empowered. Social
decisions would be tailored insofar as possible to individual tastes and
preferences. It would be a society of both direct and representative political-economic democracy.
Most decisions, both political and economic, would be made by means of a direct
input from all or a representative sample of citizens. A representative, in
some instances, might be a citizen-representative rather than an elected
representative, who has been selected statistically to deal with a specific
instance of public life before resuming his everyday life. Decisions would be both
political decisions that would apply to the community or society as a whole at
various levels and economic decisions that would apply primarily to the
individual decision-maker himself and secondarily to the community as a whole.
Gerard A. Vanderhaas has written in "Christians and Nonviolence in
the Nuclear Age" concerning the nature of a new society: "Those who
would be specially blessed in this new kingdom would be the poor in spirit,
those who mourn, the meek, those who hunger and thirst for righteousness, the
merciful, the pure in heart, the peacemakers, people persecuted because of
righteousness."1
There would be a constitution which would be the basic theoretical
sub-structure of the society which would encompass both the political and
economic spheres. The concept of checks and balances would be extended to the
concept of redundancy and diversity. Redundancy of function provides error
correction and stability. Diversity provides a separation of powers and a
multiplicity of possibilities. The constitution, in addition to setting up
various legislative and judicial bodies and agencies to deal with different
aspects of the society, would be a specification of the way decisions are to be
made by the society and how individual decisions are to be integrated in order
to make social decisions. The constitution is seen as specifying an information
processing mechanism which combines individual decisions in a specific way to
arrive at a high synergy social decision. The maximum utility social decision
function presented in Chapter 3 would result in the greatest utility or
satisfaction or happiness in the society on the political-economic level when
the society is considered as a whole and, therefore, lays claim to creating the
highest synergy society. It does this by organizing the political-economic life
of the society in the most rational, cooperative way based on individually
expressed needs and desires and guaranteeing that these individually expressed
needs and desires will be realized in the most efficient way by eliminating the
energy expended in individualistic, atomistic competition and integrating
individual efforts to achieve the most harmonious results. Based on individual
decisions, the maximum utility social decision function would organize the political
and economic life of the society like a vast self-organizing system and in such
a way as to realize individual values and demands. This rational organization
would necessarily involve and inherently include cooperation of citizens on a
grand scale. Information in the form of individual decisions would flow upward
in the system and the results in terms of a social or individually-tailored
social decision would flow down. The system itself does not make decisions but
acts as an information processing mechanism which rationally organizes
political and economic activity in accordancs with a previously established
criterion which guarantees that the results are the most favorable based on
individual values. In some cases the social solution may apply to everyone, the
choice of a president, for example; in others there may be a large number of
solutions each tailored to individually expressed needs, a work-consumption
program, for example.
Thus instead of the friction engendered by a competitive system, we
would have an increased productivity as a result of the optimal blending of
individual energies which would then devolve back to the people as a dividend.
As far as decision making is concerned, instead of the major economic decisions
being made by the large scale owners of capital, the large corporations, with
the small scale decisions of which products to consume being left to the vast
majority of the population, decision making on all levels will be democratized
with each person having one share of the decision making power. Thus insofar as
is possible, and this is pretty far with the advent of the powerful information
processing systems we have at our disposal, we will have a direct economic
democracy rather than a representative economic democracy. Since people will be
working together cooperatively instead of competing on both political and
economic levels, a social life in which cooperation and goodwill are encouraged
and flow naturally from the cooperative organization of work life will be
possible. The social dimension would be greatly enhanced so that the ideals and
goals of peace, friendship and brotherly love could be realized since the
political-economic base of society would not pit man against man but instead
offer mankind a way to cooperate for his own individual good and the good of
all.
"Peace is more than the avoidance of killing, more than the
cessation of war. Peace, as theologian Joseph Fahey has described it, involves
not only a low level of physical and psychological violence, but also a high
level of economic and social justice. When the structures of a country prevent
some people from obtaining enough food to avoid malnutrition, adequate housing
to avoid exposure, and sufficient medical care to counteract disease, the
system is inflicting violence on these people."2
Government would not have power over its citizens, but would be
organized for and at the service of its citizens. It would be a government of
laws, including information processing
laws , not of men and would be based on a sound theoretical footing. Some
of the basic laws, namely the specification of the social decision function,
would be algorithmic in naturei.e.they would specify a method of
resolving conflict and integrating individual decisions into social decisions.
In fact the competitive method for integrating individual decisions into social
decisions can be seen to give rise to conflict while the use of a social
decision function which is based on a criterion which is accepted as fair by
all and in each individual's best interests can be seen as a method of conflict
resolution. Methods of information gathering and processing would be specified.
The basic algorithms and axioms would be specified in the constitution.
The constitution would correspond to the DNA which contains the basic blueprint
for the organization and evolution of society. The heart of the constitution
would be the social decision function which specifies how individual decisions
are to be integrated into social decisions for the good of all citizens. The
constitution would provide a theoretical substructure which would be a method
of organization of the society-a method of organizing in which power and
decision making capacity is equally distributed among the citizens so that the
government itself has no power. Government itself would be a colossal servant
of the people. So the state is not seen so much as withering away over time as
having withered away by virtue of the fact that the real power, the power to
make decisions, has been dispersed equally among its citizens. Democracy is
direct and socialism is market-oriented since economic demand is individually
based and economic results are individually tailored. A proliferation of
individual potential results tends to blur the distinction between political
results which we are used to thinking of as applicable to all and economic
results which we are used to thinking of as individually tailored. Instead both
political and economic outcomes may be individually tailored to a considerable
extent depending upon the situation. The practicality of this arrangement has
been brought about by the employment of computers to do the necessary gathering
and processing of information. Politicians as we now know them will become
obsolete as citizen-politicians control the society. Also both central and
corporate economic planning will become obsolete as individual citizen economic
planners control the economic course of society. Politicians and economists
will have the function of suggesting alternatives and pointing out
possibilities but the final decision making function will rest with the
citizens.
Subscribing to the constitution is entering into a social contract in
which an individual chooses to live under a particular constitution because he
will be better off than he would be living under an alternative constitution.
Individual rights, political, economic and social, will be specified in the
constitution. These rights guarantee a minimal level of protection, security
and well-being below which no citizen can fall. They are necessary, not to
protect the individual from the arbitrary exercise of power by the government,
but due to the fact that the maximum utility social decision function, since it
is a generalization of majority rule, discriminates in favor of the majority,
and it is therefore a possibility that some individual interests will be
sacrificed in order to increase the satisfaction or utility of society as a
whole. It is to redress the balance between the welfare of the majority and the
welfare of the individual that individual rights are postulated. Certainly, on
the economic level, providing a platform or safety net below which no one can
fall, the elimination of poverty, is the most important way in which compassion
is embodied in the society.
The constitution represents an embodiment of ideals on political and
economic as well as social and spiritual levels. The individual economic rights
are guaranteed by a redistribution of wealth from the high end to the low end
of the economic spectrum. This redistribution is not only sound on the level of
spiritual principles, since it represents the Christian ethic that the strong
should help the weak, but it is sound
on the level of societal systems theory. Viewing the society as a system, we
may ask what is necessary to preserve the stability of that system? Conversely,
what will make the system unstable? When money and power are concentrated in
fewer and fewer hands and larger and larger segments of the population are
politically and economically disenfranchised, we have an unstable system just
as we would if, in our own bodies, the blood started flowing through smaller
and smaller regions. For an economic system to be stable, money must flow
through all segments of society and not be concentrated in fewer and fewer
hands just as blood must flow throughout our whole physical system for us to be
healthy. The concentration of money in fewer and fewer hands can be likened to
a cancer which usurps the body's resources for itself, growing out of control,
with the result that other bodily systems literally starve. Just as the bodily
synergy is forestalled by a cancer in one part, social synergy is forestalled
when a small group usurps society's resources for itself disproportionately.
When resources are redistributed from the extreme high end to the extreme low
end, we not only have justice on the spiritual level but we have a system which
is balanced and stable, one in which there is no glut and no starvation, one
which is not subject to flying wildly out of control. The policies of the New
Deal which were based on the theories of the economist, John Maynard Keynes,
recognized this principle on strictly an economic level when steps were taken
to put money into the hands of the lower classes so they could consume and the
producers could then produce and the economy could be gotten rolling again. In
order for an economy to work there has to be a circulation of money. When it
stops circulating naturally (sort of an economic constipation), the money must
be recirculated from high to low to get things going again. In a competitive
economy the money eventualy ends up in just a few hands sort of like what
happens in the board game Monopoly. At this point a depression sets in. The
only thing to be done is to start a new game by redistributing the assets. Then
the process can begin again anew. In order to avoid the cataclysmic events
associated with this process and to keep the system stable, the redistribution
and recirculation must proceed continuously and not just at the start of a new
game.
There are three ways of making decisions in the new society-direct, in
which everyone specifies his preference; sampled, in which a statistically
representative sample is polled; and representative, in which representatives
democratically elected by the populace are delegated some decision making
power. Checks and balances are provided by the essential mechanism of
redundancy. In communications systems theory redundancy is used to provide
error correcting coding. Redundancy is stabilizing to a system because it
provides a means to correct errors and a means to prevent malfunction. In human
systems such as societies, redundancy provides a check upon the arbitrary
excercise of power by having multiple bodies arrive at their conclusions independently.
Thus either there is a consensus (when the same conclusions are reached
independently) or their needs to be a compromise among the various conclusons.
The people can vote democratically in confidence that the wool has not been
pulled over their eyes. If one part of a redundant system malfunctions, another
part takes over so that there is no interruption of function. For example, in a
system which has main and auxiliary power, if the main power malfunctions, the
auxiliary power kicks in automatically. Stability is also enhanced by
decentralization. Decentralization and redundancy are similar in that
decentralization involves several bodies operating in parallel and hence
redundantly instead of a single, top-down hierarchal system in which, if one link
in the chain malfunctions, the whole system malfunctions. This kind of
redundancy has a self-correcting aspect. We see this kind of redundancy
operating in the world today since we have many different types of societies
operating more or less independently. Thus if one society comes up with a good
idea, most of the other societies will also adopt it. This is more true in the
technological realm than in the political-economic realm, however. If one
society makes a bad mistake, this will be a lesson to the other societies who
then, hopefully, will steer clear of the same mistake. The same holds true when
we learn from history. We are at a point in history where East and West when
seen as separate systems each contain some good ideas but are both incomplete societies.
It is for this reason that a synthesis must now occur in order to integrate the
best ideas of both into one coherent world society. This society would
represent a step up the evolutionary ladder for mankind. The alternative to
taking this next evolutionary step may very well be the destruction of the
world in a nuclear holocaust.
From "The Global Brain" by Peter Russell:
"Just as matter became
organized into living cells and living cells collected into multicellular
organisms, so might we expect that at some stage human beings will become
integrated into some form of global superorganism.
...First, this superorganism will
not contain a few million individuals, as occurs with bees, ants, or birds;
rather, it will be comprised of the whole human race, billions of individuals
distributed over the face of the planet.
Second, in all instances of animal
superorganisms there is very little individual diversity. Bee and ant colonies
usually contain only two or three different types (e.g. worker bee, drone,
queen bee), while in fish and bird groups all the individuals are usually
identical, only temporarily taking on specific functions. Human society,
however, is extremely diverse and specialized, made up of thousands of
different types, each able to make his or her own particular contribution to
the whole.
Third, a human social superorganism
would not entail our all becoming nondescript 'cells' who have given up their
individuality for some higher good. We already are cells in the various organs
that compose society yet still retain considerable individuality. The shift to
a social superorganism would essentially mean that society had become a more
integrated living system. ...[T]his is likely to lead to greater freedom and
self-expression on the part of the individual, and to an even greater
diversity."3
A society which is operating as a self-organizing system according to a
democratic social decision function is not functioning for some "higher
good." In fact the good that is to be attained is precisely the good of
enhanced individual freedom and diversity, and that is what is embodied in this
mode of societal operation. The data base for the operation of the society we
are proposing are the individual choices and preference ratings so that the
societal mechanism is actually rooted in individual values. The social or
"higher" good is the sum total of the individual goods, on the one
hand, and the social dividend of increased social synergy and love, on the
other. Each individual has enormously more decision making power than he has in
any present political-economic system. The coordination and integration of
individual goals, desires, values and intents produces greater individual
satisfaction than the atomistic model of free individuals competing with each other
in some sort of fair arena precisely because the energy saved that represents
the friction of competition becomes a dividend that is passed on to all. The
social system represents a higher order of social cooperation and a more
organic rather than mechanistic model of a way that it is possible for society
to function. Instead of crossing the fingers and hoping for the best that is
implicit in Adam Smith's "invisible guiding hand," we have every
reason to expect the best of a system based on
sound theoretical principles in which the guesswork has been removed.
On the political level, there may be several legislative bodies
operating independently in different areas or operating in such a way that
agreement must exist between two or more before a decision is taken. Some of
these might operate regionally and some might operate nationally. Some might be
confined to certain jurisdictional areas or have specific mandates. These
bodies would make the laws. The executive system would carry out the laws. All people
in key positions whether they are political or economic would be elected by the
people. There would be few appointed positions which are inherently
undemocratic. This includes judges and department heads in the executive
branch. The executive branch would be comprised of various departments
including a department of housing, department of agriculture, department of
health, department of education, department of consumer goods etc. Election
rather than appointment prevents the concentration of power. It also prevents
the establishment of a vast bureaucracy with vested interests of its own.
Instead of presidential primaries being conducted as they are now by
means of state by state caucuses and primaries in which certain candidates drop
out along the way and eventually one nominee emerges from each party, all the
candidates would be in it all the way. There would be a period of time in which
each candidate got his message out to the people on a national basis, by means
of nationally televised debates etc. Costs would be kept down because there
would be no need to traipse around from state to state and establish huge
campaign organizations. Political commercials would be illegal. The public's
exposure to the candidates would be via TV and printed media-articles,
interviews etc. Videos in which each candidate explains his qualifications,
positions on the issues, ideas and plans for the future could be selected from
a viewer's computer controlled TV menu for viewing at each citizen's time of
choice. All of this would be socially funded so that each candidate would have
a fair and complete exposure to the voters and would not be able to gain an
advantage due to outspending his fellow candidates. Each citizen would have at
his fingertips as much information as he cared to peruse regarding each of the
candidates, and he could pursue it at his leisure. Finally the election itself
would be one that was democratic in a theoretically sound way. All the
candidates would be voted upon at once using the generalization of majority
rule presented in Chapter 3 which allows for the selection of one alternative out of an arbitrary number of
possibilities. An election can only be fair and democratic if the election
procedure is theoretically sound. It has been shown that for this to be true
all candidates must be voted upon simultaneously using the methods and
procedures developed in Chapter 3. Any kind of piecemeal voting procedure or
run-off procedure or procedure which narrows the field down to two candidates
represents a sub-optimal and untheoretically sound method of democratic
election. Thus the society, itself, which uses these methods cannot be a true
and full democracy. The methods presented in this book allow for the full
realization of democracy because they have been shown to be theoretically
optimali.e.no other method or procedure can result in a fuller
democracy. The optimal voting procedure is the best that can be implemented;
the search is over for the ideal means of implementing democratic ideals.
SOCIAL PROTECTION
The whole insurance industry could be abolished with the resources
allocated elsewhere to more productive purposes. There would be no need for
private health insurance since it would be provided automatically by the
society. Societal guarantees would cover all accidents and sickness. Thus the
whole liability insurance mess that we're now in would be eliminated as there
would be no need for juries to award stupendous sums to accident victims.
Insurance settlements would not be matters of litigation and everyone would be
cared for according to his needs. The money saved by means of eliminating legal
fees would be available for caring for the actual victims. All accident victims
would have social security which would provide for their needs without the need
for huge lump sum settlements. Thus people would be cared for equally
instead of as they are in the
current situation in which one person may win a larger award than another for
the same identical injury. Also victims would be taken care of equally
regardless of the perpetrator's (if there is a perpetrator) ability
to pay for the damages. In the system today if the victim can't find anyone to
sue that has any money, then he is not compensated for his injury. Thus crimes
or other injuries caused by people without means result in the fact that the
victim must go it alone because there is no social responsibility for the
victim's plight-only private responsibility and if the private parties
responsible cannot pay, they can only be sent to jail.
People who are disabled and can't work are provided for automatically.
The whole malpractice insurance industry crisis would be solved as there would
be no need for huge sums to be awarded to individuals to provide for their
welfare. The issue of a doctor's suitability for continuing his practice would
be decided by the courts, but there would be no need or reason to tie that in
with a huge lump sum payment from his pocket or his insurance company's to the
victim. It would be society's responsibility to put the doctor out of business
if in fact he were incompetent so that he couldn't continue to disserve people
and also because he would be costing society money in terms of the payments to
people injured by his malpractice. On the other hand honest mistakes or errors
committed by a doctor who by and large was a competent practitioner should not cause
a penalty financial or otherwise to that doctor. In the course of a lifetime
anyone in any profession will make some mistakes. It is a repeated pattern of
mistakes that should be cause for alarm. In the same way if someone's
negligence resulted in someone being injured, that person should be dealt with
by the courts in such a way as to prevent the recurrence of the same accident.
There would be no need to assign blame for every accident, a practice that
victimizes the accidental perpetrator as much as it does the victim. Some
accidents just happen. The main thing is that the victim should be taken care
of, and, since this would be a part of of a comprehensive social security
package, there would be no need for the incredibly complex, involuted and
costly system of private insurance that we have now. Thus insurance will be
"no-fault" in the sense that the victim is always taken care of and
not just when he can prove that someone is at fault, and, even in the case
where someone is at fault, that person should not be penalized if the accident
was truly an acidenti.e.there was no intent or maliciousness or
incompetence involved. In the case where there is intent or maliciousness or
incompetence involved, then perhaps that person should have to pay a penalty to
society that would then help defray the costs of caring for the victim. This
would be decided by the courts. There would be tremendous simplification in
this field which would represent a tremendous savings in both money and human
energy. Likewise there would be no need for individual car insurance as victims
would be taken care of. The party at blame for the accident should be punished
in other ways such as having his license revoked or having to provide service
or care to victims of accidents. The main idea is that economic rights imply a
comprehensive social security or social protection package which guarantees all
victims of illness or injury or crime that their needs will be provided for,
and hence the need for privately held insurance policies is eliminated. Note
that in the present system only those who can afford and who qualify for
insurance
are taken care of, but when society itself guarantees comprehensive social
security, everyone is covered.
Sweden has a comprehensive social insurance plan similar to the one
being discussed here. "Swedish welfare policy-including both social
insurance and welfare payments-is much more comprehensive than in the United
States, and welfare assistance is not tied to work incentives. Much more than
in America, welfare and social insurance are viewed as the right of
every Swedish citizen, just as is access to employment. The Swedish system has
had a greater equalizing effect on incomes and is more comprehensive in
reducing unemployment."4
Although in Sweden there is relatively less public ownership of the
means of production than in most other Western European countries, they have
had "the establishment of a universal system of social insurance, based on
an intensified committment to the so-called principle of normalization, which
holds that, regardless of any physical, psychological, or social handicaps, all
persons should be able to live, work, and develop in a 'normal' environment; the
social insurance system has focused on the provision of 'equal opportunities'
to all income groups-for example, in the areas of housing, health, education,
and special training and services for older and other disadvantaged workers,
including women and immigrants."5
The question of whether welfare recipients should be required to work
assuming they are capable of working or whether people should have the option
of refusing to work and having their needs provided for needs to be examined.
If a person is capable of working and is having his needs provided for by the
society then clearly that person should be required to put something back into
society in return. On the other hand this implies that the society is required
to find him employment because, if the problem is that there aren't any jobs
available and this is the reason the person is not working, then he can't be
blamed for having his needs met by society and not putting anything back. It is
the responsibility of society to provide a means not only whereby the
individual can pay society back but also to provide training so that the
individual can look forward to advancing in his worklife and not being stuck in
a deadend job. In other words it is society's responsibility to provide career
type job opportunities so that an individual has the possibility for advancing
in his worklife even though he may start at the bottom. If the individual has
the choice of sitting back and receiving welfare or working in a deadend job,
then he has a higher incentive for sitting back and receiving welfare and
society is placed in a more coercive role if it forces him to work. However, if
the individual has the choice of sitting back and receiving welfare or going to
work in a job from which he can by dint of education and conscientious effort
advance in a career-type manner, then the higher incentive is to go to work and
society is placing itself in the position of offering opportunities rather than
forcing slave-type labor.
Let us define two terms. Social insurance is public support that is
provided to people who cannot provide for themselves: the aged, the disabled,
victims of accidents etc. This assistance may be either temporary or permanent.
Welfare is assistance that is provided to people who are able-bodied but for
some reason, usually lack of a job, can't support themselves. There is very
little welfare in Sweden mainly because there is basically full employment, so
that public assistance goes to those who truly need it. Welfare is usually
temporary in contrast to the US which has a permanent welfare class. The reason
for this is that in the US there is a disincentive for a person on welfare to
go to work: namely, that the only jobs available to most of the people on
welfare for the most part are dead-end jobs. In Sweden career-type jobs are
available to all and the reason for this is that a certain number of them are
created by the public sector. Also retraining and educational opportunities are
available to people as they are receiving welfare to pay for their living
needs. Every opportunity is given to people to become productive members of
society. In the US which doesn't believe in creating career-type jobs in the
public sector for people at the low end of the economic spectrum and where the
private sector does not provide such jobs, a permanent welfare class emerges.
"In Sweden, far more than in the United States, public assistance
tends to be a temporary solution to personal economic difficulties.
In the city of Malmo, for example, the average length of stay on public aid in
1972 was just under five months. On the other hand, individuals with permanent
problems, such as those resulting from illness or injury, are granted permanent
solutions.
"...Families and individuals who are in need but are ineligible
for the various social insurance benefits or for whom the latter do not provide
an adequate income, may obtain Swedish public assistance without regard to
marital status, employment status, or the presence or absence of child-
ren."6
In an economic democracy according to the authors we can "expect
that the cost and form of social insurance and public assistance...will
resemble the Swedish system: with a committment to full employment and
child-care centers, welfare payments will be a small percentage of total
welfare expenditures, while national health insurance and pensions (Social
Security) will comprise the bulk of the social services package."7
But what of the argument that if a society has a comprehensive welfare
and social insurance package, the poor won't have an incentive to get out and
work?
"The provision of increased
and restructured social insurance and public assistance in a democratic economy
still leaves unanswered the question of what will motivate people to work. The
general assumption behind work-incentive welfare programs is that poor people
stay on welfare because they do not like to work-because they are lazy. If this
assumption is true, a comprehensive public assistance program without work
incentives could cause considerable trouble in the labor market: even if
offered the possibility of productive and adequately paid employment, poor
people would choose to stay on welfare rather than work. Not only would this be
demoralizing for those who did work, it would also be very expensive.
But there is an increasing body of
evidence which indicates that this assumption is not true. Leonard Goodwin's
careful 1972 study for the Brookings Institution showed that 'poor people-males
and females, blacks and whites, youth and adults-identify their self-esteem
with work as strongly as do the nonpoor.'
Goodwin concluded that work
enforcement programs (tied to welfare) for the poor have an affect exactly the
opposite of that intended: they negatively influence work orientation because
they reinforce the pattern of failure in work that is characterisitc of welfare
recipients.
...Welfare is not a substitute for
permanent, decent-paying jobs-which brings us back to employment policy. The
traditional human capital model has infused work and welfare programs with a
training component designed to bring the poor into 'good' jobs. The evidence,
however, indicates that these attempts do not function to help people escape
unemployment or welfare dependence. What, then, are the implications for
employment programs in a democratically run full-employment economy?
The only way to enable low-income
workers to escape the poverty and unemployment trap is to make career-type jobs
available to them. Full-employment macroeconomic policy will be an important
element in making such jobs available, but direct public employment will still
be necessary to get the poor into meaningful, permanent jobs during the
transition to greater public control of industry and investment, largely
because the private sector will not be able to absorb everyone who wants to be
employed. ...In the long run, this is the only way to break the poverty cycle;
a true antipoverty program is a program that places the presently poor into
permanent, career-opportunity jobs and trains them for those jobs."8
So rather than viewing the poor as the industrial reserve army that
provides a cheap labor pool and keeps the price of wages down, they are seen as
valuable human beings worthy of being trained for and provided with career-type
jobs even if these must be provided by the public sector. This is orienting
public policy around the needs-the need for self-respect as well as the need
for income-of the poor rather than trying to create a situation where economic
growth lifts all dinghis as well as yachts. This is an economic policy based on
human beings rather than statistics.
In the economic sphere certain decisions that were made previously by
virtue of the fact of the possession of capital would be made democratically by
election. For instance, let us consider the press. We have "freedom of the
press" but what does that really mean when it takes a substantial amount
of private wealth to even start a newspaper. Naturally, the press is going to
reflect the views of the wealthy interests that own it. So we don't really have
freedom of the press in that the views of people without wealth are poorly
represented if at all. To remedy this situation, a system in which the press is
publicly owned but not government controlled is proposed. There would be
tremendous diversity in the number of autonomous newspapers operating
independently at all levels-locally, regionally, nationally and
internationally. This would guarantee variety and error correction due to the
built-in redundancy. The major staff of each newspaper would operate as a
"management-team" and be elected to their positions by the people.
This assures that their responsibility is to the people and not to some power
interest be it public or private. Elections would be held periodically.
Therefore, different management teams would come and go and this would prevent
vested interests from forming and bureaucratization. Management teams that were
voted out would then go into other positions in the society while they prepared
themselves for the next election. There would be no reason to fear unemployment
because other positions would be found. This reshuffling would be similar to
the Chinese cultural revolution where it was thought wise for people not to get
locked into certain positions but to experience what it was like to work at
different levels and positions in society.
In this way a whole spectrum of news and opinion would be disseminated
from liberal to conservative. Each newspaper would operate independently and
autonomously and not be beholden to special, private or governmental interests
or to the need to be profitable in the marketplace. Minority viewpoints would
be guaranteed by the feature of the maximum utility social decision function
which operates so as to insure proportional representation and in such a way
that a multiple of management teams are elected simultaneously. It is the
opposite of the winner-take-all philosophy. That is, not only the most popular
would get elected but there would be a selection of a number of different teams
out of the larger number running. This feature of being able to select several
alternatives in an overall election eliminates the "tyranny of the
majority" aspect of majority rule and allows minorities to be represented
as well. Each person in fact would be voting for several and could choose, if
he so desired, to give high level preference ratings say to a conservative
team, a liberal team, an "infotainment" team etc. Thus there would be
a diversity of viewpoints available, and minority viewpoints would be represented.
This would actually guarantee freedom of the press and diversity of opinion.
Thus we have an actual mechanism for producing and maintaining freedom of the
press instead of a system like the present one which proclaims freedom of the
press but does not prevent the situation from developing in which the press is
controlled by powerful economic interests, that does not and cannot prevent an
oligopoly from forming. What we have
today is a press that represents the interests and views of its owners who are
by and large wealthy individuals and corporations which is not much better than
a state-controlled press that reflects the views of its owner, the state.
Such a press as we are describing would represent the interests of a
whole spectrum of society, and would not represent the interests of just a
clique of politicians or a clique of private interests. There would be a loyal
opposition of "management teams" who are out of "office" at
any given time and who are aspiring to office. This would tend to keep those
who are "in office" honest. Also knowing that, if they are voted out,
it would not mean financial ruin since they are guaranteed a job elsewhere, would keep them from
pandering to popular tastes. Thus there would be a whole system of checks and
balances to guarantee that the press is truly freei.e. does not
represent certain political and economic interests to the exclusion of all
others and also truly diversei.e.represents the whole spectrum of
interests and viewpoints.
Papers would be sold and this money would go into the pool which
finances the whole operation of the press system. There would be no need for
each paper individually to be popular or profitable. Thus viewpoints which are
not necessarily profitable or popular would still get aired. There would be no
advertising and no need for advertising revenues; therefore, newspapers would
not be beholden to their advertisers.
Advertising would not be the responsibility of the people who
manufacture the products themselves but would be handled in such a way as to
provide checks and balances. There would be a separate autonomous body that
would deal with advertising. It would be completely separate from the bodies
that dealt with production and manufacturing. Thus instead of the situation we
have today in which each manufacturer touts his own virtues and the larger
corporations with larger advertising budgets can effectively outsell smaller
corporations with superior products, we will have a situation in which an
autonomous body will evaluate and compare products and tout either the virtues
or defects according to their investigations, making this information available
to the public. It is the economic equivalent of the notion of checks and
balances-an economic separation of powers which serves the public interest rather
than the interests of powerful corporate entities. The body that handles
advertising, which will be popularly and democratically elected, will be
responsible for testing and evaluating products much in the same way that the
people who publish "Consumers Reports" do. This magazine is a
forerunner and a harbinger of the function of a democratic, socialistic
advertising agency. Advertising will not be seen in the media-not on TV, not on
radio or billboards or in the print media. This in itself will produce a
renaissance in the quality of the media environment. Instead of advertising
being force-fed, top-down to the public whether they like it or not as it now
is, it will be demanded by the consumer in a bottom-up arrangement. In other
words there will be a demand economy for advertising instead of the command
economy that exists now in the US. Advertising will be there and available and
will be given to the consumer freely but only when requested by him.
It will work very simply thanks to the computer and the TV screen. The
consumer will use his TV in an interactive mode and request information from a
data bank about a certain type of product. The computer will come back with a
directory of the products for which the consumer requests information going more
into depth in any particular area and on any particular product as the consumer
demands it. He will be given test results, pricing information,
characteristics, informaion regarding any health hazards etc. When he finally
makes his choice, he can order the product and have his total order set aside
to be picked up or delivered. The money will automatically be debited from his
account and he can see his balance at any time by calling up that information
on his computer. Thus much time is saved that would otherwise be wasted in
shopping, and the best individual choice can be made in an intelligent manner
without being coerced by conventional advertising or a salesman. The consumer
is spared the onerous interruptions of his favorite TV programs as he is bombarded
with information which is an insult to his intelligence. He avoids being
brainwashed by TV commercials.
The judiciary would be expanded to include not only an interpretive
function but a critiquing and evaluating function as well. For instance, there
would be a body whose purpose is to critique consumer products-a consumer
watchdog agency. This body would critique the products on the market which
would be produced by multiple, redundant "production teams" which
would be voted in and out similar to the "management teams" of the
press. The judicial critiquing agencies would be a check and balance to the
executive production agencies and would guarantee high quality products.
Expertise and track record would be important qualifications for these
"evaluative and critiquing teams" who would also be voted upon. Just
as there would be redundancy in the number of production teams producing the
same product, there would be redundancy in the evaluating teams so as to keep
them honest. Second opinions on each product would be available to the public.
This would keep vested interests from forming and would eliminate shoddy goods
from the marketplace. It would also tend to eliminate corruption. This is a
generalization of the consumer protection work started by Ralph Nader and much
credit should go to him for the initiation of these concepts.
CONSUMER AND WORK DEMOCRACY
Consumer democracy is democracy that sees to it that consumers are
well-served by producers and not pawns in their hands. In addition work
democracy means democracy in the workplace. It means that work is
democratically shared. It means that the workers themselves have a decision
making voice in the production process. Erich Fromm in "The Sane
Society" discusses an experiment with a Community of Work. "Most
interesting is the solution they have found for a blend between centralization
and decentralization which avoids the dangers of chaos, and at the same time
makes every member of the community an active and responsible participant in
the life of the factory and the community. We see here how the same kind of
thought and observation which led to the formulation of the theories underlying
the modern democratic state in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
(division of powers, system of checks and balances etcetera) was applied to the
organization of an individual enterprise."9
Fromm is talking about work situations in which, for example, the
foreman is elected democratically by the workers under him. He goes on to say:
"The worker can become an active, interested and responsible
participant only if he can have influence on the decisions which bear on his
individual work situation and the whole enterprise. His alienation from work
can be overcome only if he is not employed by capital, if he is not the object
of command, but if he becomes a responsible subject
who employs capital. The principle
point here is not ownership of the means
of production, but participation in management and decision
making. As in the political sphere,
the problem here is to avoid the danger of an anarchic state of affairs in
which central planning and leadership would be lacking; but the alternative
between centralized, authoritarian management and planless, uncoordinated
workers' management is not a necessary one. The answer lies in a blending of
centralization and decentralization, in a synthesis between decision making
flowing from above to below, and from below to above."10
Of course the question of ownership of the means of production is
begged if the workers have democratic decision making power over all aspects thereof. Fromm is definitely
concerned with overcoming worker alenation by giving him a stake and a role in
the work process. He is also concerned about creating a better sense of
comraderie by eliminating competition and rivalry. In other words he is
concerned about the psychological and spiritual aspects of work and what
conditions lead to a feeling of brotherly love among workers as well as to a
worker's getting a sense of satisfaction from his work.
Fromm, too, is concerned about the consumer: "As a third
participant, the consumer would have to participate in the decision making and
planning in some form. Once we accept the principle that the primary purpose of
any work is to serve the people, and not to make a profit, those who are served
must have a say in the operation of those who serve them."11
In fact, in the economic system pictured herein, it is consumer demand
that drives production. Consumers specify their preferences and the production
system is set up to satisfy them in the optimal way taking into account the
fact that consumers are also producers and balancing off their demands for
goods and services with their willingness to work. It should be known that, in
an enlightened socio-economic system, consumer demand would be formulated
"freely" and not be driven by advertising imposed upon consumers by
corporations with an imperative to sell products. Since there would be no
vested interests involved in which products are bought, consumers would make a
truly free, rational and informed decision as to what to buy. There would be a
"separation of powers" between the production and advertising
functions in a truly democratic economy so that the same people do not both
produce and advertise.
The situation in present day capitalist society is according to Robert
I. Heilbroner the following. "Not only is the individual managed and
manipulated in the sphere of production, but also in the sphere of consumption,
which allegedly is the one in which he can express his free choice. Whether it
is the consumption of food, clothing, liquor, cigarettes, or of film and
television programs, a powerful suggestion apparatus is employed for two
purposes: first to increase constantly the appetite for new commodities, and
second, to direct these appetites into the channels most profitable for
industry. The very size of the capital investment in the consumer goods industry and the
competition between a few giant enterprises makes it necessary not to leave
consumption to chance, not to leave the consumer a free choice of whether he
wants to buy more and what he wants to buy. His appetites have to be constantly
whetted; his tastes have to be manipulated, managed and made predictable. Man
is transformed into the 'consumer,' the eternal suckling, whose one wish is to
consume more and 'better' things."12
Fromm is very sensitive to the psychological ramifications and
overtones in any work situation. "If the workers and employees of an
enterprise were exclusively concerned with their enterprise, the alienation between man
and his social forces would remain unchanged. The egotistical, alienated
attitude would only have been extended from one individual to the 'team.' It is
therefore not an incidental but an essential part of workers' participation
that they look beyond their own enterprise, that they be interested in and
connected with consumers as well as with other workers in the same industry,
and with the working population as a whole. The development of a kind of local
patriotism for the firm, of an 'esprit de corps' similar to that of college and
university students, as recommended by Wyatt and other British social
psychologists, would only reinforce the asocial and egotistical attitude which
is the essence of alienation. All such suggestions in favor of 'team'
enthusiasm ignore the fact that there is only one truly social orientation,
namely the one of solidarity with mankind. Social cohesion within the group,
combined with antagonism to the outsider, is not social feeling but extended
egotism."13
The concept of Western style democracy needs to be extended into the
economic arena. In Western style democracy people have political rights and
some sort of democratic voting process for the election of political leaders.
However, they have neither economic rights nor any sort of democratic voice in
the decision making that takes place in the economic arena. That is the
prerogative of the owners of the means of production, the employers.
"In the capitalist production
process, decision making by employers is a right. The ownership of property carries with it
legal control over its use. This poses a fundamental dilemma for the American
concepts of individual freedom and democracy: if a person is employed (does not
own the tools of production), he or she is governed without recourse by others'
decisions about work. To the worker, it makes no difference whether these
decisions are logical or arbitrary; they govern absolutely the conditions of
work in that enterprise.
...Worker control of production and
the accompanying alternative organizations of work (such as a greatly reduced
division of labor) could well result in greater output, more employment, more
efficient use of labor, and less intensive use of capital than the present
hierarchical arrangement. Workers might also enjoy their work more if they had
greater say about how it is organized and what they produce, and participated
directly in productivity increases.
Political rights have been extended
to an increasing fraction of the American population-blacks, unionized workers,
women-all of whom fought for this extension throughout the nineteenth and
twentieh centuries. The principle of one person/one vote in the political
arena, however, confronts the reality of unequal economic rights and an unequal
distribution of economic power. The two cannot be separated. The 'free speech'
of a General Motors is obviously greater than that of any individual. We cannot
speak of political power distribution as unrelated to economic power and rights,
even though the two may not be the same. Economic democracy is a crucial
ingredient in political democracy and vice versa. Under the capitalist
organization of production, political democracy is an imperfect concept and can
be achieved in practice only through a democratization of the economy."14
There are societies in the world today-and societies outside the
so-called communist world-that incorporate some of the values we have been
discussing. We intentionally study Sweden because it is a Western country with Western
values. Nevertheless, as we shall see, the values espoused and
implemented there are an evolution of rather than a contradiction to so-called
Western values. Please note this is not an Eastern bloc nation, not a nation
that we are involved in an idealogical quest for supremacy with, but an ally of
the US. Nevertheless, what is going on there economically and the ideas being
debated are fundamentally different. "Over the years, labor market policy
in Sweden has been separated from fiscal and monetary policy and raised to
independent status. Besides satisfying the labor movement's desire to increase
income equality (or, at the very least, to prevent inequality from increasing)
and the government's desire to control inflation, active manpower policy
addresses an important dimension of welfare in industrial society: the issue of
freedom of choice. The goal is not merely full employment, but a situation in
which workers are employed in jobs they select through personal choice. This
concept, moreover, is extended to all groups in the population who wish
to participate in the labor force.
"...Regional development policy is an important example of the
efforts to permit more freedom of choice in employment. The basic principle is
to make work available at the individual's place of residence. Thus, since
1965, the government has been providing financial support for plant location,
with priority given to a designated developmental area reaching from
upper-middle to northern Sweden and representing two-thirds of the national
land area and 15% of total population."15
The idea that government action rather than free enterprise may result
in more freedom for the worker may strike some Americans as a novel idea. The
basic policy in Sweden has been to increase the workers' freedom while
restricting somewhat the freedom of the owners of capital. The authors
continue: "Such a policy in Sweden restricted unlimited freedom of choice
for capital owners investing in Sweden and for managers in Swedish corporations,
while increasing opportunities and options for employees. The government's
policy lowered unemployment rates, provided retraining, and made it more
difficult to lay off workers without offering them alternatives; thus, freedom
of choice for workers was greater than in a situation where they do not enjoy
such guarantees. Not only are individuals protected from the vagaries of
capitalist development, but they can change jobs and even careers under
government-sponsored training programs. But, under the traditional
nineteenth-century view of 'freedom'-that is, the freedom to become an
individual capitalist-choice may be reduced in a society where increased
advantages go to the employed rather than the employers. The freedom to earn very
high incomes is also severely curtailed in a Swedish-type welfare state,
although the post-tax income distribution figures indicate that the highest 20%
of income earners receive about the same percentage of income as in the United
States and that average income in Sweden is somewhat higher. So, higher income
earners in Sweden are not as badly off as is sometimes claimed."16
Yes and the high income earners, as well as the low, have a
comprehensive social insurance package guaranteed by the state, which protects
them in the case of accident, unemployment, illness etc. That kind of
protection must be worth giving up some income for.
"American ideology continues to stress the harm government
intervention can cause to individual rights, particularly the right to make
economic choices. Americans are still imbued with the idea that the ultimate
freedom is to be self-employed and to make one's 'fortune.' Yet only a small
and declining per centage of Americans are self-employed (about 7%) or ever
will be. The percentage has been decreasing steadily since the last century.
The United States, like most advanced industrial countries, is an economy
consisting of a few managers and capital owners centered around large
corporations (with a periphery of small production units) and a mass of employees
and production and service workers who are receiving wages and salaries. The
American concept of freedom is anachronistic in this context; moreover, the
anachronism serves the interests of those who would lose out if the concept
were changed to focus on workers' choices and the meaning of 'freedom' in a
wage-earning society. In Sweden, these are real issues. But the discussion is
on a different plane than in the United States: most Swedes have discarded the
nineteenth-century notion of economic choice and individual freedom. Rather,
the issue has become the rights of workers
and capital owners or managers in a capitalist society and the function
the government should play as intermediary in their bargaining. The 'debate' is
not conceived in these terms in the United States, in fact may never be
framed this way, given the nature of American institutions and history."17
Interestingly enough, this is similar to the Canadian situation,
discussed previously, in which the government bargained with the doctors' association
in order to set medical prices.
We have commented on the misallocation of resources under the present
US economic system. Fromm writes: "Another aspect of the same phenomenon
is the tendency to waste, which is furthered by the economic need for
increasing mass production. Aside from the economic loss implied in this waste,
it has also an important psychological effect: it makes the consumer lose
respect for work and human effort; it makes him forget the needs of people
within his own and poorer lands, for whom the product he wastes could be a most
valuable possession; in short, our habits of waste show a childish disregard
for the realities of human life, for the economic struggle for existence which
nobody can evade.... [A sane society would] direct production into fields where existing
real needs have yet to be satisfied, rather than where needs must be created
artificially."18
In the system proposed in this book, there would be no waste since only
what consumers have expressed a preference for and only what they would be
willing to supply the labor to produce would be produced. Basic economic rights
would guarantee that everyone would have at least an acceptable subsistence
standard of living.
The critiquing function mentioned earlier would extend into the
cultural arena so that people would at least be informed by knowledgable
opinion as to what constituted quality entertainment and art. Public tastes and
sensibilities would not be given over to mass manipulation by powerful economic
interests who are not subject to independent criticism. In today's world the
"critics" are subject to being influenced by the economic interests
who produce and package the entertainment for public consumption. Not only that
but the weight brought to bear through advertising far outdoes the influence
the critics have upon the public. In the new society the producers of art would
not be allowed to criticize their own productions-which is to say to ballyhoo
them. Independent bodies of critics would both inform the public as to what's
available and also advise the public as
to the quality. These critics, in order to be truly independent, would be
publicly supported, and, in order to have checks and balances, more than one
critic would comment on any particular offering. Consumers could dial up
several reviews of a play or movie using their computer and have this
information at their fingertips before deciding what to do on a Saturday night.
The "experts" would reside as much in the critiquing and
evaluating agencies as in the legislative and executive agencies. A tyranny of
experts would be prevented by providing a variety of counterbalancing voices, a
variety of opinions, and by making their positions elective and subject to
change in according with the voting process presented here. Thus minority
viewpoints would automatically be included.
The "commanding heights" of the economy would be publicly
owned: such things as communications, media, transportation, energy, medical
facilities, agriculture, large scale manufacturing etc., but this does not
preclude small scale enterprises in some of these areas such as agriculture,
housing etc. Small scale businesses such as restaurants, shops, crafts etc.
should be encouraged and even subsidized. Local managers should have a lot of
autonomy in reaching their goals and workers should have democratic control
over their own work processes. Innovation, invention and entrepreneurship
should be encouraged. Venture capital for promising start-up operations would
even be provided by the society. In this way new ideas and fresh technology are
encouraged. The operations that were successful might then be taken over by the
society after they had reached a certain size. This would be known as
"going public" only instead of shareholders becoming the owners,
society in general would become the owner. Many entrepreneurs that start
companies eventually sell out and retire anyway in capitalist societies so the
net result would be the same as far as the entrepreneur was concerned. He would
be rewarded for his contribution to society. However, instead of selling out to
a private party, he would be selling out to a public interest. He might even
stay on as manager.
There would be a Department of Peace which would be funded at least as
greatly as the Department of War. The Department of Peace would pursue its
activities in periods of Hot Peace just as the Department of War used to pursue
its activities in the period of the Cold War. In other words the peace buildup
should continue even during times of war. All nuclear weapons and weapons of
mass destruction would be eliminated. The means for the implementation of wars
on any but the smallest scale will have been liquidated.
People will be encouraged to become highly educated not only in a
technical specialty but in regard to their choices about the products they
consume, the entertainment and culture they consume and the political process
itself. People will be educated in how to operate politically as a citizen as
well as in culture, art and relationships. Diversity as opposed to conformity
will be encouraged. People who are best qualified, people with merit in their
respective fields will tend to find their way into the key positions simply
because the process will be open to everyone regardless of their political or
economic power. Because of redundancy and diversity throughout the society and
because the society is people-centered instead of property centered, propaganda
and mass manipulation of opinion will not work or be tolerated. Advertising
will be the function of the critiquing agencies and the educational system.
Information concerning products and services can be obtained through one's home
computer in a demand mode instead of forced fed through TV in the command mode.
In other words the information will be available to the consumer as requested by him and not placed before him in such a way
that he has no choice over what information he is exposed to. People will be
informed as to the products, services, educational opportunities, entertainment,
culture, art, travel opportunities, work opportunities etc. that are available
to them and the information will come from agencies and entities that are
independent of the agencies and entities that produced the products etc.
Mutuality in relationships will be encouraged. Wives and husbands will
share equally and be considered as equals in the eyes of society. This will
apply to education, job availability and financial compensation in particular.
Maternity leave and parental leave to care for young children to be used by
either parent will be available to all. Day care centers will allow parents to
participate in the work force with the knowledge that their young children are
being given the proper care and attention. Children will also have rights and
no child will ever have a lack of nutrition, education, housing or medical
attention.
There will be redundancy in manufacturing as there is today. Several
independent firms will be set up for each product. This will ensure diversity
or variety of choice, but, at the same time, the choices will be meaningful and
not just based on different packaging. So the choices will be kept at a
reasonable number to prevent unneeded replication of brands whose products are
substantially the same. Competing for market shares by companies who offer
essentially the same product in different packaging will disappear due to the
radical transformation of product critiquing and advertising.
So there will be direct consumer decisions, but there will also be
indirect control by consumers over the production process by the election of
key "management teams." This prevents the present-day situation in
which powerful economic interests control the workings of the market. They decide what products and what
politicians will be offered up to be voted upon by the masses of voters and
consumers who get to have a choice among the alternatives offered to them but
are powerless as to the selection of the alternatives themselves. Today, the
alternatives themselves whether they are products, politicians or entertainment
are selected by plutocrats in the interests of plutocrats and then are
forced-fed to the general public with the process made palatable through
advertising. People are pursuaded that what's being offered to them is really
in their best interests when it is not because a small number of wealthy
interests control the political and productive process.
Experts and critics will not be hired by private interests to represent
the interests that hired them but will be hired by the people and given the
autonomy to solely get at the truth. The journalist's job will be to get at the
truth. There will be inherent forces in the society that encourage people to be
honest and have integrity simply because there will be no economic advantage
accruing to those who are dishonest and misrepresent themselves. Thus the
dilemma of substance versus image which today is decided in favor of image will
be decided in favor of substance. There will be too many checks and balances
built in at every level of society to make misrepresentation of
reality worthwhile. The only mechanisms working today to produce integrity in
government are (1) the election process and (2) the appointment of people to
long-term or lifetime positions such as in the Supreme Court. The election
process as it exists today is vitiated by the fact that it is privately funded
and also by the fact that, in order to build a coalition big enough to win, the
politician must "move to the center." What this means is that politicians
with a serious chance at winning usually avoid any serious discussion of the
issues and instead try to confine things to style and personality. The
"winner take all" form of majority rule used in the US in itself
prejudices the election process towards this result. The
generalization of majority rule presented herein makes it possible for
politicians to get elected without diluting themselves in this manner.
Therefore, it encourages integrity in the political process. Redundancy of
function and the inherent proportional representation make it possible to get
elected without pandering to the opinion of an absolute majority and also due
to the fact that second and third preferences in the voting procedure carry
some weight. Also redundancy of function tends to promote integrity since no
one entity is given sole responsibility in any particular area and the other
entities act as a check.
On a social and spiritual level, since competition has been eliminated,
people will be encouraged and find it possible to relate lovingly to their
fellow men and women. There will be a flowering of friendship, a renaissance of
brotherly love. Individual morality and ethics will be in synch with societal
morality and ethics. It will be possible to be a good Christian without losing
out economically. One integrated system of ethics will be possible so that
one's personal morality and ethics can be practised both at home and in the
marketplace. There will not have to be two opposing systems of ethics-one
designed for a successful family life and one designed for success in the
business world.
The welfare mess that we presently find ourselves in will be totally
resolved by going to the root of the problem. The root of the problem is
structural unemployment which with the advent of automated manufacturing and
bookkeeping systems will only become worse. Under the capitalist mode of
societal organization the private sector is just incapable of providing enough
jobs in an advanced automated society. Not to have a job is to be economically
disenfranchised unless the individual possesses property or capital. Most
people on welfare are capable of working, indeed would prefer to work and earn
their living but there are no jobs that will allow them to pay their own way. A
minimum wage job certainly will not allow a person to provide food, housing,
clothing, medical care, transportation and other essentials for a family. The
other side of the welfare coin is that there are some people who, for whatever
reason, are incapable of working. In a humane society these people need to be
taken care of and it should be seen to it that their needs are met. In the new
society, a person's right to employment is constitutionally guaranteed so right
away most of the people presently on welfare will be off welfare. The people
who can't work are taken care of by the constitutionally guaranteed economic
rights which provide that their needs are adequately taken care of. The kind of
chance that someone is born with a birth defect or an elder has Alzheimer's
disease is something that should be protected with social insurance not
something that should be borne privately by each family unfortunate enough to
sustain such a tragedy.
So the welfare system is an integral part of the total society and not
something that is grafted on and grafted off depending on which administration
is in power as in present day America. The reason why the welfare system as it
is presently constituted will not work is that the government refuses to be the
employer of last resort except through the military, and most of the people on
welfare are women and children who
traditionally don't enter the military. The reason the government refuses to be
the employwer of last resort in the non-military sphere is that the government
is controlled by private economic interests with whom the government would be
in competition if it were to employ people growing food or building housing or
otherwise providing for their own needs. So there are sectors of the economy
that benefit greatly from the present welfare system which gives welfare
recipients money to be spent in the marketplace with established businesses
while keeping them unemployed and unemployable and dependent. If the government
were truly in the business of getting people off welfare, it would have to be
in the business of helping people to be economically independent and
self-sustainingi.e.giving them the training and the means to provide for their own needs. In today's system it is not the welfare
recipient who benefits so much as the slumlord who receives an exorbitant rent
indirectly from the taxpayers since it goes from them in one step through the
welfare recipient to him. It would be far better to set up an operation in
which the welfare recipient builds his own house, with government assistance,
that he then would own.
The same applies to doctors and the supermarkets. Money goes in one
step through the welfare recipient to established economic interests so they
have a lot to gain by maintaining the present welfare system. If the people on
welfare, however, were organized and given the means to provide for their own
welfare, were put to work growing their own food, building their own housing,
caring for their own sick, then not only would the cost of welfare be reduced
dramatically but people on welfare would become self-sufficient and have a
sense of pride from their accomplishments. Who would lose? The slumlords, the
doctors, the supermarket chains-the established economic interests who are
making a profit off of welfare recipients at taxpayer expense. This is the only
real solution to the welfare problem but our government won't do it because it
smacks of socialism and by the way is a threat to established interests who
through their lobbies exert a powerful influence on the making of public
policy. So the government as presently constituted vaccilates between the
liberal solution of giving welfare people the money they need to buy things in
the private sector which is tremendously expensive to the taxpayer and the
conservative solution which is not to give them anything and to let them fend
for themselves which is cruel and heartless. In the meantime the structural
problem remains, and it is a problem which is endemic to capitalist society and
can't be solved without abandoning cherished capitalist precepts.
The organization of work in the new society will be entirely flexible.
People will list their preferences periodically both for the type and kind and
amount of work and also for the products and services they would like to
receive. The maximum utility social decision function will integrate this
information from all citizens and come up with a social allocation both of
labor and of products and services so that there will be a unique solution for
each individual tailored to his specific needs and so that satisfaction within
the society as a whole is maximized. There will be a nonstandard workweek which
will apply to everybody. Some people might be working 10 hours a week, some 20,
some 40. The number of hours will be totally flexible. People guilty of insider
trading might have to work 60 hours a week to pay back the people they've
bilked out of their money, but that would be OK since they were already working
60 hours a week in order to bilk them out of it in the first place. The number
of hours will be totally flexible and variable from week to week depending on a
person's needs. If a person's needs for products and services decreases, he can
choose to work less and receive less. If his needs increase, he can choose to
work more. Adolescents can choose to work a few hours a week during the hours
they are not attending school. College students can work their way through
college by integrating their work time with their college curriculum. Older
people can keep their hand in by working a few hours a week. There would be no
mandatory retirement age, but senior citizens need not fear since social
insurance provides for their needs. As a person's family grows up, and his
needs diminish as he grows older, he can gradually taper off the number of hours
he works per week without ever formally retiring. As he tapers off the benefits
accruing to him from his socially provided pension would kick in in accordance
with a formula that is fair to all. Since his own work is related to the
production of things which he himself consumes, there is no need to retire
people in order to make room for new people entering the job market.
The integration of work with leisure time can be accomplished as the
computer is used to organize work based on individual preferences but in such a
way as to maintain an orderly and productive and efficient economy. People can
be trained in different types of work and choose to spend so many hours at one
type of work per week, so many at another etc. Education can be a lifelong vocation
as the integration of work life and educational life can be achieved. A
pregnant woman or new mother can choose to cut back on her work life
considerably in order to have time with her young child. Her parental leave
rights would then kick in so that her family may maintain its standard of
living. She may choose to gradually increase her work hours as the child gets
older. As technological progress and automation proceeds, the amount of work
required for a given package of goods and services decreases. This is the
societally shared equivalent of profits in a capitalist economy. The profits
devolve to society in general and to all its citizens instead of ending up in
the hands of the few. Volunteerism would be built into the system as people who
wished to be active in the society but had few material needs and no worries as
to accumulating money in the event of a personal disaster, knowing full well
that they would be provided for in that contingency, would contribute their
services without receiving the full package of goods and services to which they
would be entitled. As this phenomenon increased, a state would be approached in
which the society represented truly one in which "from each according to
his abilities, to each according to his needs" was manifested. Thus
communism would be achieved voluntarily and without coercion and as a result of
a greater realization of potential, neighbor love, mental and physical health
and security among mankind.
In the judicial arena, the adversarial system will be replaced by the
principle of redundancy. Instead of getting at the truth by having adversaries
competing with each other, we will get at the truth by means of independent,
redundant systems which provide error correction. For example, in the trial
system lawyers will not represent the interests of their client but the
interest of getting at the truth. To facilitate this, lawyers will not be
privately retained but will be provided free of charge. This will also
facilitate justice since it will prevent the richer person from gaining the
advantage by hiring a more high-powered and expensive lawyer. There might be
several lawyers of different persuasions who will each independently study the
case and interact with the principle parties involved. They will then present
their findings to judges and juries. The redundancy of testimony will provide
consensus; it should serve the function of correcting errors and establishing
the truth. In cases where this process is inconclusive, several trials or
judicial processes might proceed simultaneously or sequentially with either the
truth being established conclusively or by weighing the complete record to
arrive at the most probable version of the truth.
Statistical voting will be common. It can be shown that entire elections
or votings need not be carried out in order to arrive at the outcome with a
statistically very high degree of certainty. This has been known for years and
is used to provide the data for opinion polls. In order to move toward a direct
democracy both politically and economically, it is necessary to move away from
delegating representatives to make the decisions for us. This, however, places
a greater burden on each citizen as he then has to be better informed and spend
a considerably greater amount of time and effort in the political-economic
decision-making process. Also with the maximum utility social decision
function, much more information is requested from each citizen since he has to
give a complete specification of preferences over all alternatives rather than
simply voting for one. The way to alleviate each individual's being inundated
with demands for information is to gather the information statistically. In
some situations it might be preferable to let democratically elected
representatives handle things; in others it might be preferable to have a
complete non-statistical voting precedure. But in many instances in the
interests of direct democracy, which is closer to the true ideal of democracy
than is representative democracy, a statistical election procedure seems
justified. In such situations citizens might be selected at random to do
decision-making duty just as they are now selected for jury duty. This might be
for a short period of time. Or a citizen might be selected at random to study one
issue and render a decision on it. In the economic arena, polling would also be
helpful say to establish the demand for toothpaste without asking each
individual in the entire society about his specific needs for toothpaste. The
citizen decision-maker could sit at his personal computer going over as much
information as he deemed necessary in order to make an intelligent decision on
a candidate, an issue or a work-consumption choice. He could then vote using
his computer without having to go to some polling place. In addition he could
be paid something by society just as people who do jury duty are and to
reinforce the idea that the business of being a citizen-decision maker is an
important function-one that should be compensated!
THIRD WORLD POVERTY
The notion of a transfer of wealth from the more developed to the less
developed countries needs to be addressed. And it should be addressed on the
level of the people who are starving in those countries, not on the level of
"development" in those countries which would then trickle down to the
poor. "Development" in many cases, especially as conceived by
capitalist countries, only helps the
wealthy and middle classes in the developing countries and not the poor at all
which only makes the disparity between rich and poor even greater. Development
has to be conceived in human terms not technological ones. A country may be
"developing" in the sense that modern technology is introduced into
the country, but the majority of poor peasants may not be any better off. In
fact they may be worse off as the gap between them and the wealthy grows even
greater.
In the book "Food First" Frances Moore Lappe and Joseph
Collins write: "Part of the reason that most people have not been able to
perceive this tragic retrogression is what we have come to call the 'language
of deception'-terms that obfuscate reality. One such term is 'per capita.' In
Indonesia, for example, we discovered that the country's per capita GNP is $220
but, for the bottom 40%, it is $95. Of what use is the per capita figure?
"It is precisely the kind of development policy that measures
itself in per capita terms that results in the absolute decline of the
majority. ...[P]er capita production and income have been going up in the very
countries where often the majority of people have become worse off with each
succeeding year."19
The authors point out that the per capita food production in most
countries of the world is enough to feed the people if, indeed, each one ate
the per capita production! But instead too often the case is that what is
produced by the people is not consumed by the people but is instead exported.
The current Third World debt crisis has exacerbated the situation even more as
exports are needed in order to pay off international debts. Notice, however,
that the US, the world's largest debtor nation is not subjecting its people
to an austerity program but instead continues to borrow on the international
capital markets because its credit is better than the Latin American debtor
nations. In other words the relative well-being of a whole nation of people is
based on the fact that international creditors would rather loan money to the
US than to other countries whose people, in absolute terms, may need it more.
The large capital loans to Third World countries in the 1970s that represented
the capitalist world's solution to the problem of poverty in those nations have
only ended up creating even further hardship for the worst-off segments of
those societies, and thus represent the absolute failure and bankruptcy of the
capitalist world to address those problems.
"Many view the Green Revolution as a technical innovation and feel
that, as such, it should not be expected to solve social problems. But what we
have found is that there can be no separation between technical innovation and
social change. Whether promotion of the wealthier class of farmers is
deliberate government policy or not, inserting any profitable technology into a
society shot through with power inequalities (money, landownership, privilege,
access to credit) sets off the disastrous retrogression of the less powerful
majority. The better-off and powerful in a society further enrich themselves at
the expense of the national treasury and the rural poor. As those initially
better-off gain even greater control over the production process, the majority
of people are made marginal, in fact, totally irrelevant, to the process of
agricultural production. In such societies the reserves of landless and jobless
function only to keep wages down for those who do find jobs. Excluded from
contributing to the agricultural economy, the poor majority are no longer its
beneficiaries, for being excluded from production means being excluded from
consumption."20
One can see how this process has worked even here in the US. Government
agricultural subsidy programs have helped the big farmer much more than the
small farmer since they're paid proportional to the size of the farm.
Therefore, there has been a relative advantage created for the big farmer.
Being in a stronger position, he can then proceed to buy out his smaller
neighbor, who may be having difficulty paying his bills. This puts him in an
even stronger position and qualifies him for even more government subsidies. In
order for government programs to be effective in preserving the family farm or
in alleviating the plight of the poor either here or in the Third World, they
have to be directed at helping the poor and disadvantaged and marginal. This is
what makes the social system stable and prevents the concentration of power,
wealth and the promotion of inequality. Across the board subsidation programs
end up making the plight of the poor and vulnerable even worse because they
make the powerful relatively more powerful with respect to those at the bottom
than they were previously.
"...'Modernization' overlaid on oppressive social structures
entrenches the ownership classes who are now even better positioned and less
willing to part with their new-found wealth. Thus, to focus only on raising
production, without first confronting the issue of who controls and who
participates in the production process, actually compounds the problem. It
leaves the majority of people worse off than before. In a very real sense the
idea that we are progressing is our greatest handicap. We cannot move
forward-we cannot take the first step toward helping improve the welfare of the
vast majority of the world's people-until we can see clearly that we are now
moving backward."21
Fromm writes: "Closely related to this problem is that of economic
help from the industrialized societies to the economically less developed part
of the world. It is quite clear that the time of colonial exploitation is over,
that the various parts of the world have been brought together as closely as one
continent was a hundred years ago, and that peace for the wealthier part of the
world is dependent on the economic advancement of the poorer part. Peace and
liberty in the Western World cannot, in the long run, coexist with hunger and
sickness in Africa and China. Reduction of unnecessary consumption in the
industrialized countries is a must if they want to help the non-industrialized
countries, and they must want to help them, if they want peace. Let us consider
a few facts: according to H. Brown, a world development program covering fifty
years would increase agricultural production to the point where all persons
would receive adequate nutrition and would lead to an industrialization of the
now undeveloped areas similar to the prewar level of Japan. The yearly outlay
for the US for such a program would be between four and five billion dollars
each year for the first thirty years, and afterwards less. 'When we compare
this to our national income,' says the author, 'to our present federal budget,
to the funds required for armament, and to the cost of waging war, the amount
required does not appear to be excessive. When we compare it to the potential
gains that can result from a successful program, it appears even smaller. And
when we compare the cost with that of inaction and to the consequences of
maintaining the status quo, it is indeed insignificant.'"22
In "The Turning Point," Fritjof Capra writes about the fact
that certain biases are built into the very structure of capitalistic
economics. "This social inequality is not an accident but is built into
the very structure of our economic system and is perpetuated by our emphasis on
capital intensive technologies. The necessity of continuing exploitation for
the growth of the American economy was pointed out quite bluntly by the Wall Street Journal in an editorial on 'Growth and Ethics,'
which insisted that the United States would have to choose between growth and
greater equality since the maintenance of inequality was necessary to create
capital.
"The grossly unequal distribution of wealth and income within
industrialized countries is paralleled by similar patterns of maldistribution
between developed countries and the Third World. Programs of economic and
technological aid to Third World countries are often used by multinational
corporations to exploit those countries' labor and natural resources and to
fill the pockets of a small and corrupt elite. As the cynical saying goes,
'Economic aid is taking money from the poor people in rich countries and giving
it to the rich people in poor countries.' The result of these practices is the
perpetuation of an 'equilibrium of poverty' in the Third World, with life near
the bare level of subsistenance."23
"The world's hungry people are being thrown
into ever more direct competition with the well-fed and the over-fed. The fact
that a food is grown in abundance right where they live, that their own
country's natural and financial resources were consumed in producing it, or
even that they themselves toiled to grow it will no longer mean that they will
be likely to eat it. Rather the food will go to an emerging Global Supermarket
where everyone in the world, poor or rich, must reach for it on the same shelf.
Every item has a price and that price, in large part, is determined by what the
world's better-off customers are willing to pay. None wihtout money will be
able to move through the check-out line. Even Fido and Felix in the United
States can outbid most of the world's hungry. This emerging Global Supermarket
will be the culmination of food interdependence in a world of unequals.
As much as agribusiness firms talk of producing food
in underdeveloped countries, they are not talking about the basic
staples-beans, corn, rice, wheat and millet-needed by the hungry. Instead they
are referring to 'luxury crops': asparagus, cucumbers, strawberries, tomatoes,
pineapples, mangoes, beef, chicken, even flowers.
Furthermore, agribusiness 'expertise' is not so much
in producing as in marketing. They know who and where the world's affluent
shoppers are-a small group in the underdeveloped world's urban centers such as
Mexico City, Nairobi, Delhi, and Rio and a much larger group in New York,
Tokyo, Zurich, and Stockholm. And agribusiness knows what they 'demand.'
...Aid cannot help both the rich and the poor
simultaneously. Strengthening the elites (the overwhelming impact of even those
projects supposedly designed specifically to exclude the rich) directly
undercuts the poor. With outside assistance, the better-off are able to control
more land, machines, and other inputs-reinforcing landlessness and joblessness.
Moreover, the notion that such elite-dominated development is better than no
development rests on an untenable definition of development. Yes,
elite-dominated economic growth can occur, but the concept of development
implies the betterment of the lives of minimally the majority-not rising
affluence for a small minority and increasing misery for a swelling majority.
As Brazil's President (General) Emilio Medici once commented on his country's
'economic miracle,' 'Brazil is doing well but the people are not.'"24
PROGRESS
Finally, we must be concerned about the notion of progress in
evaluating a society. Justice, freedom, equality, happiness, satisfaction,
security, brotherhood, compassion, progress and stability are all related.
Progress should take place in a stable way i.e.in such a way that
the basic values of society are preserved, not transgressed. A society in which
progress occurs at the expense of the poor or in such a way as to widen the gap
between the haves and the have-nots is not stable, and, ultimately, progress in
such a society is meaningless. In the social system we have proposed, progress
would not be for the benefit of some and at the expense of others. All would share.
Everyone would be better off or at least no one worse off than before. Only
then is progress meaningful. Progress cannot be measured in terms of new
inventions or statistics that measure economic growth per se if that growth
represents the enhancement of the situation of one class at the expense of
another. For instance, in the present society, rents are continually going up.
Is that progress? The cost of basic necessities should go down if progress is
being made in a just society. On the other hand if one adheres to Nietzschean
values, the fact of increasing rents might be looked upon as the stronger (the
landlords) gaining at the expense of the weaker (the tenants) and, therefore,
this would represent progress since the final goal of
society is the triumph of the strong over the weak. But assuming basic
Christian values, we have progress for the few (the ones who own the means of
production of the basic necessities of life) and regress for the vast majority
who have to pay the higher costs, who for the same effort have less than their
parents had.
Because the basic necessities of life-or more properly the means of
production of the basic necessities of life-are not owned by the people,
they-the majority of the people-are subject to being manipulated by the people
who do own them in the interests of the people who own them. This means that
the costs will never go down, only that the people that own them will charge as
much as they can get for what they have to sell. And as powerful corporations
come to dominate the commanding heights of the American economy, they are in a
much better position than the average person to set prices. The person whose
only asset is his labor power is at a gross disadvantage, in fact at the mercy
of the people that have control of the basic goods and services of life that he
needs. What is needed here is not a return to a Robinson Crusoe society in
which each person is totally self-sufficient and non-interacting on his own
little plot of land, but a society in which the modes of social interaction and
exchange and decision making are just and based on each citizen's having an
equal share of power on all levels. The Jeffersonian ideal of a nation of small
farmers and artisans, each owning his own property and each by and large self-sufficient
is a far cry from the corporation dominated America of today in which the
family farm is disappearing and with it the last vestiges of yeomanry, an
America in which the vast majority of people are increasingly dependent on
goods and services provided by others, an America increasingly composed of
people whose income derives from wage labor at a time when the need for their
labor, the need for their skills, is declining as automated machines take over
more and more of the functions that skilled labor once provided.
Since labor is no longer at a premium, the average American worker
cannot hope that progress will better his lot in life, that the continuing
evolution of American capitalism will somehow reverse its own innate tendencies
and land him up magically in paradise. As big labor unions are losing their
power, the average American worker is losing control over the economic process
at a time when he is increasingly dependent on it. As long as there was a
demand for labor and a strong labor union movement, workers could expect to
share in the progress, but, with labor becoming increasingly superfluous and
expendable, they cannot. Instead of the increased productivity of society due
to automation and computers being a harbinger of a higher standard of living
for all, it is clear that the benefits will only redound to those who own the
new technology while the others having lost their jobs will be worse off.
Whether the owners of the technology are American or foreign really doesn't
change the picture very much. What a cruel irony that while we hear that the
American worker is becoming more productive (which is not true-Americqan machines
are becoming more productive), the American worker is losing his
means of livlihood at an accelerating rate.
In any kind of meaningful societal system, progress must mean that
everyone is better off or at least no one is worse off after the progress has
occurred. The time spent in work for a given amount of goods and services must
decrease. Each generation must be successively better off than the one
proceeding it. The average work week for everyone should decline as progress
takes place, and the quality and quantity of goods and services available to
the average person should increase. The level at which everyone is guaranteed a
minimum standard of living should be raised. In this situation the society is
advancing toward the point at which goods and services are free. As the ratio
between work required and goods and services received diminishes, then consumable
items become cheaper until we reach the point (when automation is in full
effect and virtually no labor is required for the production of goods) that
things are essentially free. This will only take place, however, if the means
of production are socially rather than privately controlled.
As the work week decreases, the individual will have more free
time-time in which to realize his full potential as a human
being-intellectually, physically, emotionally and spiritually. Time to pursue a
hobby, develop a talent, relate to his family and loved ones, to become better
educated, time to travel and broaden his horizons.
The extension of the political process both vertically in terms of the
greater amount of information that is required and horizontally to the economic
arena does make more demands for the involvement of each citizen. That is the
price that must be paid for a fuller democracy if the people are truly to
operate the society instead of delegating a certain group to run it and leaving
it up to them. Our delegation of political responsibility to the politicians
and economic responsibility to the larege corporations has brought us to the
present pass where we are on the verge of large scale unemployment and
financial collapse, to the point where we, as the world's largest debtor
nation, go around telling other debtor nations that their people should undergo
an austerity program so they can pay off our banks as we proceed to raise their
interest rates by our practice of deficit spending. At the same time we
continue to dole out Uncle Sammie Care Packages of economic and military aid to
good little dictators around the world
who would have us believe that, were it not for them, the communists
would take over and who see to it that American interests are protected in
their little corner of the world. No one ever questions that there might be a
conflict between the promotion of American interests and the promotion of the
welfare and well-being of the world's peoples.
These ideas are not utopian. They result from the rational link to the
underlying theoretical substructure which has been presented in this book, the
heart of which is the maximum utility social decision function coupled with
individual political and economic rights. The underlying mechanisms which have
been presented can be studied and modeled in advance of their actual
implementation in society in much the same way that a new airplane is studied
and modeled before it is actually built. The reason that this can be done is
that the theoretical substructure is sufficiently well-defined mathematically.
This fact alone is sufficient to pull us out of the horse and buggy days of
political-economic theory into the modern age in which the study of society
itself is on the same level of sophistication as the study and development of
the physical universe. Information can be gathered not only through observation
as is the case in a society that has a less well-defined theoretical
substructure and has been the case in the study of history up to now but through
simulation and rational analysis involving computers. It is only when new ideas
are subject to rational analysis and a great deal of theorertical work can be
done in advance that we can build confidence that the implementation of a
certain system will produce the desired results whether this system is a
communication system, a medical system or a societal system. The various uses
of computers at home by consumer-citizens involving accessing information and
shopping is already happening today so that is definitely not speculative.
I have tried to show the relationship among man's spiritual, ethical
and psychological structures and his societal structure. There is a direct link
between man the individual and what kind of society he creates. However, it is
not necessary to wait until the time when we all as individuals have
sufficiently evolved spiritually to put a societal system which is highly
evolved spiritually into effect. In a sense the societal structure we live in
could lead the development of the individuals living
within it in much the same way that the societal system in which we now live in
present day America either typifies or lags behind the awareness level of the
average American. The societal structure is an embodiment of man's knowledge, values
and ideals as they existed at the time of its inception. The constitution may
be likened to a genetic code which contains the basic information which in its
outworking forms and shapes the society. It is necessary at certain times in
history to evolve new forms of society and new constitutions so that the
process of evolution can continue as the older forms serve out their
usefullness.
Today we are at a crossroads in terms of societal evolution. Do we want
to continue down the road that our advanced industrial societies are taking
us-a road that leads to a nuclear holocaust as the result of an ever expanding
arms race, a road that leads to the global enfranchisement of poverty as the
lot of the average world's citizen, a road that represents a regression to the
neo-feudalism of a welfare state in which the underclass has no productive role
in society but is thrown a few crumbs and allowed to live or the neo-Fascism of
a Reaganesque society in which the underclass is forced to fend for itself
without a safety net, a road in which the individual has lost his freedom to
either powerful political or powerful economic interests or both, a road that
allocates a trillion dollars a year to military interests that serve to promote
a status quo in which the few, be they superpower residents or a multi-national
conglomeration, control the world's resources to the detriment of the many
while increasing numbers of people live in poverty, disease and hopelessness
while, if the same expenditures were to be made in eradicating the problems of
poverty and disease, then those problems would positively be eradicated but it
would mean that the few would have to give up most of their power?
Or do we want to turn the tide and use the vast natural, human and
technological resources that are now available to us, that make the eradication
of hunger, poverty and disease literally possible, that could be utilized to
provide a standard of living almost unimaginable to every human being, that
could free man from drudgery and hopelessness and be the precondition for the
universal realization of individual human potential, that could provide the
substructure for a human Renaissance of the mind, body, heart and soul unlike
any ever experienced by human civilization?
We do as individuals and as peoples have a choice to make.
CONCLUSION
In his book, "The Turning Point," Fritjof Capra discusses the
choices humankind now faces.
"The evolution of a society,
including the evolution of its economic system, is closely linked to changes in
the value system that underlies all its manifestations. The values a society
lives by will determine its world view and religious institutions, its
scientific enterprise and technology, and its political and economic
arrangements. Once the collective set of values and goals has been expressed
and codified, it will constitute the framework of the society's perceptions,
insights, choices for innovation and social adaptation. As the cultural value
system changes-often in response to environmental changes-new patterns of
cultural evolution will emerge.
The study of values is thus of
paramount importance for all social sciences; there can be no such thing as a
'value-free' social science. Social scientists who consider the question of
values 'nonscientific' and think they are avoiding it are attempting the
impossible. Any 'value-free' analysis of social phenomena is based on the tacit
assumption of an existing value system that is implicit in the selection and
interpretation of data. By avoiding the issue of values, then, social
scientists are not more social scientific but, on the contrary, less
scientific, because they neglect to state explicitly the assumptions underlying
their theories. They are open to the Marxist critique that 'all social sciences
are ideologies in disguise.'
Economics is defined as the
discipline dealing with the production, distribution, and consumption of
wealth. It attempts to determine what is valuable at a given time by studying
the relative exchange value of goods and services. Economics is therefore the
most clearly value-dependent and normative among the social sciences. Its
models and theories will always be based on a certain value system and on a
certain view of human nature; on a body of assumptions that E.F. Schumacher
calls 'meta-economics' because it is rarely included specifically in
contemporary economic thought. Schumacher has illustrated the value-dependence
of economics very eloquently by comparing two economic systems embodying
entirely different values and goals. One is our present materialist system, in
which the 'standard of living' is measured by the amount of annual consumption,
and which therefore tries to achieve the maximum consumption along with an
optimal patern of production. The other is a system of Buddhist economics,
based on the notions of 'right livlihood' and the 'Middle Way,' in which the
aim is to achieve a maximum of human well-being with an optimal pattern of
consumption.
Contemporary economists, in a
misguided attempt to provide their discipline with scientific rigor, have
consistently avoided the issue of unstated values. Kenneth Boulding, speaking
as president of the American Economic Association, has called this concerted
attempt 'a monumentally unsuccessful exercise...which has preoccupied a whole generation
of economists (indeed, several generations) with a dead end, to the almost
neglect of the major problems of our age.' The evasion of value-related issues
has led economists to retreat to easier but less relevant problems, and to
disguise value conflicts by using elaborate technical language. This trend is
particularly strong in the United States, where there is now a widespread
belief that all problems-economic, political, or social-have technical
solutions. Thus industry and business hire armies of economists to prepare
cost/benefit analyses that convert social and moral choices into
pseudotechnical ones and thereby conceal value conflicts that can only be
resolved politically."25
And so we return to where we started-a consideration of values and different
value systems. We started with a comparison of Christian values-the values of
loving one's neighbor as one's self and that the strong have an obligation to
help the weak-and Nietzschean values or the values of social Darwinism-the
values of survival of the fittest and the strong should exploit the weak. The
question arises that, since we see the survival of the fittest ethic in effect
all around us in the natural world, isn't it only natural to incorporate it
into human social ethics? Or, why are there predators in nature if God through
his son, Jesus, preached the exact opposite ethic. God created nature. Why did
He create this contradiction? One can't argue that there are not predatory
animals. Predation is a biological fact of life. But, I would argue, we don't,
ultimately, have to accept it. My belief is that God set the basic natural laws
including the laws of evolution. Within these laws there is a lot of freedom,
perhaps too much. Perhaps the constraints are too loose. We all know from history
that terrible things can and have happened, and God let them happen. He didn't
intervene. I would think of it not so much that God has let horrible things
happen as that the constraints that God has set up are sufficiently loose as to
allow these things to happen. Some of these horrible things are accidents of
nature. Some are man-made. Perhaps the constraints have to be this loose in
order that evolution can proceed toward its presumably God-ordained goal; or
maybe God made a slight mistake when He designed the universe. Maybe this
particular universe is a learning experience for God, and in the next universe
the parameters will be adjusted slightly.
At any rate one of the functions of intelligent life is to correct
errors. Maybe it was a cosmic error that predators evolved. It is to be noted
that there are also among the animal kingdom a lot of non-predators including
the panda bear, the koala bear, the giraffe, the horse, the cow. Also, some
predators can be "taught" to be non-predators. For instance, if the
mother cat doesn't teach her kittens to hunt mice, they will never hunt mice.
In fact, if they are raised with a pet mouse, they will all become friends. As
we as human beings reach the point where it is possible to intervene in the
evolutionary process itself, perhaps one of the corrective functions we should
undertake is the discouragement of predation in the biosphere. Or the
encouragement of non-predation. It is possible that the purpose of intelligent
life is to correct some of the ways that Nature, Herself, has gone wrong, and
to direct the course of evolution along the lines of non-violence and love.
We have shown how so-called Western values are schizophrenic in the
sense that, although professing Christian values, the values of the capitalist
marketplace are closer to being Neitzschean. At the same time so-called Eastern
values or the values of the Eastern-bloc countries, while professing to be
atheistic, are closer to the values of Christianity. Herbert Marcuse in
"Soviet Marxism" describes Soviet values: "Care, responsibility,
love, patriotism, diligence, honesty, industriousness, the injunction against
transgressing the happiness of one's fellow man, consideration for the common
interest-there is nothing in this catalogue of values that could not be
included in the ethics of the Western tradition."26
In fact what we are seeing today in the Soviet society, thanks
primarily to Gorbachev, is a democratization of the political structure, a
democratization that will give more of a voice to the people in the running not
only of their political but also their economic affairs. Mikhail Gorbachev in
"Perestroika" writes: "The aim of this reform is to
ensure-within the next two or three years-the transition from an excessively
centralized management system relying on orders, to a democratic one, based on
the combination of democratic centralism and self-management."27 Thus there is an evolution occurring which, it can
be hoped, will result in a truly democratic form of socialism in which the
people, rather than an elite, will make the relevant political and economic
decisions. In the US, democratization needs to take place primarily in the
economic arena, but the movement is generally away from this kind of
democratization and toward the concentration and centralization of power in the
hands of a few. The trade union movement is being virtually stampeded by
corporate power taking its lead from Reagan's crushing of the air controller's
union. This economic power is then used in the political arena with the result
that there is a trend away from democracy in that arena also.
Gorbachev has done much to make the world a safer place and to open up
a dialog with the West which has already led to increased understanding,
friendship and a reduction in hostilities. "The process of perestroika in
the Soviet Union holds out fresh opportunities for international cooperation.
Unbiased observers predict growth in the Soviet Union's share of the world
economy and invigoration of foreign economic, scientific and technological
ties, including those maintained through international economic organizations.
"We are saying this openly for all to hear: we need lasting peace
in order to concentrate on the development of our society and to cope with the
tasks of improving the life of the Soviet people. Ours are long-term and
fundamental plans. That is why everyone, our Western partner-rivals included,
must realize that our international policy of building a nuclear-weapon-free
and non-violent world and asserting civilized standards in interstate relations
is equally fundamental and equally trustworthy in its underlying
principles."28
We then examined the notions of freedom and equality. We developed the
idea that freedom cannot be an absolute value in itself. Every individual should
have freedom in his individual sphere which means the freedom to grow and
develop to his highest potential which implies the material basis that supports
this. The notion that one should be free to command and control a share of the
world's resources disproportionate to one's individual needs, or that one's
freedom extends way beyond his individual sphere, is outdated. The argument
that private individuals who control a share of the world's resources
disproportionate to their individual needs are somehow the stewards of those
resources (human and material) and are somehow invested with the wisdom to make
the right decisions about the allocation of those resources is less valid than
the argument that a political elite will always act in the interests of its
constituents. Immense private wealth not only gives individuals control over
the allocation of resources but control over people as well. Just as they do
not necessarily allocate resources in the wisest way, their power over the
lives of other human beings does not necessarily result in the well-being of
those people.
Today there are too many people and too few resources for any of us to
have absolute freedom. The frontier is closed. We live in a global village.
What someone does in New York affects the life of someone in Bangladesh. As
long as there was a frontier, society could be considered an open system with
essentially limitless resources. There was always a place to go where one could
be totally free, where one could lead a Robinson Crusoe existence if he so
desired, a situation of abundant and unlimited natural resources in which one
could be only responsible to one's self and in which, if one worked hard, he
could make a living. Today there is no more frontier; the world society is
rapidly becoming a closed society in which the actions of each individual
almost inescapably affect other individuals. At the same time Earth's resources
are becoming more finite and we are rapidly approaching the age in which all
resources consumed will have to be renewable. There will be nothing left that
can be depleted with no thought as to replacement both for present and future
generations. As the world, as society, becomes more of a closed system with the
fates of all of us more and more intertwined, we have to change our thinking
about social organization, what society owes its citizens and what its citizens
owe society. We can no longer afford the luxury of being a nation of 300
million Robinson Crusoes.
When society was more or less an open system, when there were more or
less infinite natural resources per capita of Earth's population, when there
were frontiers, when there was essentially unlimited land to be settled,
homesteaded and worked-the concepts of individuality and freedom as developed
by John Locke and incorporated in the US Constitution were more appropriate.
The idea that society did not owe its citizens anything beyoind protection of
property rights made more sense when anyone could through his own labor settle
and work the land and thus make a living. It was only a question of one's
willingness to work. Today there is no more land there for the taking-waiting
to be homesteaded-no more places to go to lead a non-interactive existence,
nowhere to lead a life which does not affect other people and is not afected by
other people.
The Newtonian motion of individual people-atoms careening around-each
with his individual property and each interacting through competition-may have
been appropriate when the number of people-atoms in the system was relatively small,
comparable to a rarified gas. When the number of people-atoms in the system
becomes relatively dense, pressure builds, friction increases as these
people-atoms (each pursuing his own interests) bump into each other more and
more frequently. Finally, some form of social organization which harmonizes the
interactions of this dense population must be adopted. The atomistic model is
no longer appropriate. We cannot operate as if there were infinite resources
and as if our actions do not affect others. The question becomes how do we
interact so that the individual maintains his prerogatives in his own sphere
and the good of all-not to mention the biosphere itself- is protected and
promoted?
"If, by altering our world view, we are to avert a collective catastrophe,
then some major and fundamental changes will be necessary: changes in the way
that we relate to ourselves, our bodies, and surroundings; changes in our
needs; changes in the demands we make of others and of the planet; and changes
in our awareness and appreciation of the world. As numerous people have pointed
out, a new world view is needed, one that is holistic, nonexploitive,
ecologically sound, long-term, global, peaceful, humane, and cooperative. This
would mean a shift to a truly global perspective, one in which the individual,
the society, and the planet are all given full recognition, in other words, a
shift from a world view that is low in synergy to one that is high in
synergy."29
American preeminence in the world is on the wane not because the US is
losing out in the struggle with communism but because the US is losing out in
the economic competition with its own capitalist allies-many of them created by
and following in the footsteps of the US. As one person said, Japan thought
that if they couldn't bomb us out they'd buy us out instead. President Reagan
is sticking with the rules of the game advocating free trade even though now
the shoe is on the other foot. Just as US corporations in times past have
bought up huge chunks of foreign real estate turning them into plantations,
foreigners are buying up huge chunks of the US threatening to turn it into
a plantation dominated by foreigner interests. "The Reagan Administration
generally endorses the idea that nations should keep their borders open for
such investment, but not all Americans take such a laissez-faire approach.
'What other world power allows such a significant portion of its industrial
base to be bought up by other countries?' asked Linda J. Hoffman, a vice
president with the Automotive Parts and Accessories Assn. in Lanham, Md."30 The point is whether foreign firms import to the US
market or build plants here and sell to it, the profits as well as control of
the markets are going to foreigners.
What is happening is that as the developing capitalist countries gain
control over their own resources (both human and natural), these resources are
no longer available for exploitation by US corporations. Instead they are
exploited by indigenous capitalists. The plight of the poor in those countries
remains the same; the only difference is that they are now being exploited by
their own countrymen instead of Americans. As such those countries are much
more of a threat to American preeminence in the world than are emerging
socialist countries whose priority is feeding their own people rather than
competing on world markets with their exports.
Meanwhile, the US has become the capitalist world's rent-a-cops and
hamburger flippers. The Japanese have a good deal going since the US uses its
military to protect the flow of oil from the Persian Gulf to Japan so that
Japan can continue to outcompete the Americans. I can hear Japanese leaders
saying, "You do it, America. You're the leader of the Free World. Remember
our Constitution which you helped us write prevents us from being involved in
military affairs. But if you need a loan to keep your war machine, er uh,
military establishment operating, we will be glad to lend you the money at a
certain rate of interest, of course." They must be laughing over this one
in Japan. The US is defending their oil flow, paying for it by borrowing money
from Japan and then paying interest to the Japanese with which they can buy up
more US real estate.
The lowering of the value of the dollar has not served so much to make
US exports attractive on world markets and foreign imports less attractive here
as it has to make US real estate fire sale bargains for foreigners. Thus the US
is cutting its own throat. The trade imbalance may indeed decrease but so what.
Foreign firms operating here may find it expedient to export to their own
countries much in the same way that US Fruit found it profitable to export from
the Banana Republics to the US. Foreign corporations have the US coming and
going since they can either import to the US market or manufacture here, sell
here and export from here. Thus they can get around any kind of
protectionist policy as long as the US is wide open for foreign investment.
We have developed in this book a theoretical substructure based on the
work of English utilitarians and eighteenth century French scientists who
studied voting systems. The work stems from the voting paradox, a phenomenon
that has been studied for hundreds of years. We have found a way out of the
voting paradox which allows a quantum leap toward the realization of a true
democracy. Prior to this development, the practice of democracy had been
severely constrained by its lack of theoretical development and the inadequacy
of voting systems as they exist in the world. The new development calls for the
manipulation of significantly increased quantities of information but this is
no problem for computers. Getting beyond the impasse of the voting paradox also
has implications for economics. It had been thought that there existed no
social welfare function that satisfied Arrow's five basic and reasonable
conditions. Therefore, it was thought, there was no way to combine individual
decisions into an overall social decision in a way that was compatible with
individualistic values. We have shown that there is a way to do this, and we
call the algorithm the "maximum social utility social decision
function." This is a rule for combining individual preferences in such a
way as to come up with a social solution that maximizes either voter or
consumer satisfaction. The advantages of this method are that many alternatives
can be considered simultaneously and that there may be a multiplicity of social
solutions each individually tailored, a necessity for applying the method in
the economic arena. Thus the utilization of the methods presented herein would
raise the synergy of both the world's political and economic systems
considerably.
In a chapter of his book entitled "Towards a High-Synergy
Society," Peter Russell talks about the changes that would occur as we
progress toward that goal.
"The laws of physics,
chemistry, and biology would not change dramatically, and each person would
continue functioning as an individual biological being: still breathing,
eating, drinking, working, playing, making love. The most significant changes
would happen at the collective level, as our changed relationships, both with
ourselves and with other people, begin to give rise to a totally different
society. The 'laws' of economics, politics, and sociology would change
radically, since they are dependent upon collective behavior. They might be as
different from current 'laws' as the behavior of steam is different from that
of water.
...The essence of high synergy is
that the goals of the individual components are in harmony with the needs of
the system as a whole. As a result there is minimal conflict between
components, as well as between these components and the overall system.
...Being in tune with each other,
humanity, and the rest of the environment would not mean we would all become
similar, either in behavior or in needs [or wants or desires]. The cells in
your body do not have to become similar in order for you to be a healthy
organism; the oneness is at a far deeper level. Likewise, in a high-synergy society,
there would be just as rich a diversity of people and interests as there is
now. Indeed, freed from the psychological need to belong and to conform to a
norm, people would be at greater liberty to express their individuality. Rather
than everybody tending to become more alike, diversity would increase as a
healthy and productive aspect of an evolving organic society."31
Along with an algorithm for combining individual decisions into social
decisions in an optimal way, a way that yields maximal satisfaction to the
society, we have emphasized that it is necessary to have a system of basic
human rights-political, economic and social. The maximum social utility social
decision function is a majoritarian rule-that is, it is a generalization of
majority rule. It does not guarantee any minimal level of satisfaction to any
particular individual. As such, it concerns more the middle class than it does
the poor. It is for this reason that we advocate basic human rights which
protect the individual and guarantee at least a minimal level of satisfaction
in all areas. It is this more than a high-synergy social decision function that
will abolish poverty in the world and that represents the Christian concern for
"the least of these, my brethren," but the two concepts-human rights
and maximum utility social decision function-work nicely and harmoniously
together.
We have advocated that there should be a balance between freedom and
responsibility-that an increase in freedom without a corresponding increase in
responsibility only results in exploitation of the weak by the strong.
We have written of the usurpation of democracy by economic power in the
US; of the suffusion of the merchandising ethic into art, culture, politics and
religion as witnessed by the packaging and marketing of rock stars, political
candidates and electronic evangelists.
We have written of the increasing need for us to identify with all
mankind instead of just with a certain group or nation-to be mankind-centered
instead of nation-centered.
We have written about the fact that in any competitive society the
strong will eventually come to dominate the weak; therefore, the need to
eliminate competition in a high-synergy society and instead to adopt the
Christian attitude of concern for the needs of the weak and the poor and of how
this corresponds with the ideas of systems theory in that concern for the weak
and the poor acts as a kind of feedback which stabilizes the overall systemi.e.society
as a whole. In order for a society to be stable, there must be an investment by
the rich in the poor; there must be a flow from the top to the bottom in order
for the whole system to circulate and not to stagnate. This is a primary
Christian principle and it's also fundamental to socialist ethics and systems theory.
We should rethink the notion of technological progress. Technological
breakthroughs in many cases have only allowed for the consolidation of power by
the strong over the weak. As such, social progress will probably be enhanced if
the rate of technological progress is slowed down. If technological progress
does not go hand in hand with social progress, it is counter-productive.
Finally, we have written about a major trend in the world today: the
internationalization of capital markets and power centers is leading toward the
homogenization of the working class with the result that the American worker is
sinking to the level of exploited workers in the Third World. In order for US
business to compete with foreign business, it must transfer its operations to
the Third World in order to take advantage of cheap labor, diminish the price
of American labor, allow the flow of impoverished workers from Latin America to
flow across our borders in order to constitute themselves as a cheap labor
pool, an internal colony, or automate
and robotize. The result is that the value of American labor is declining, the
American worker is becoming increasingly economically and politically
disenfranchised and the middle class is disappearing.
The main theoretical advancement presented in this book is the
development of the maximum social utility social decision function. This
represents a synthesis of the best aspects of democracy, socialism and
capitalism. It is an advance for democracy since it allows for a social decision
to be made among more than two options. There has never before been a
theoretically satisfactory way of doing this. That is why in the US political
contests have been reduced to two alternatives because the rule for specifying
the winner is clear. The best feature of capitalism is the so-called demand
economy-the mechanism that provides individually tailored economic solutions
based on individual inputs, the proverbial market. The problem with the
capitalistic market mechanism is that it is unfair. It accords certain
individuals more "votes" than others. It is very responsive to an
individual who has money; in fact, the more money he has, the more votes he
gets. It is not responsive at all to people with little or no money. In fact it
is a very undemocratic social decision function. Theoretically, socialism
accords each citizen one equal share of economic power. The problem with most
socialistic systems up to the present is that they haven't been responsive to
individual preferences. Usually, an elite has made economic decisions in the
interests of the people. However, there has been no mechanism to provide
individually tailored results to each person.
The social decision function presented here is democratic in that it
accords each citizen one share of political-economic power. It is general in
that it produces both political and economic results. It can be seen that the
classic political problem is one for which the social decision function must
specify one result from among many possible alternatives and based on an equal
consideration of input preference specifications from all citizens. Then the
one result applies to the whole society. The selection of a President is an
example. The classic economic problem is one such that individually tailored
results are produced for each citizen based on a consideration of each
individual input. Thus, whether a problem is fundamentally political or
economic depends on the number of admissible results which can range from one
to a number equal to the number of citizens. The maximum utility social
decision function applies to all problems regardless of the number of
admissible results. Therefore, it represents a solution to all
political-economic problems. The fewer the number of admissible results, the
more the situation is political; the greater the number of admissible results,
the more the situation resembles an economic one. In the sense that each
individual input is treated equally, it represents a democratic social decision
function and to the extent that there are a large number of admissible results,
it represents a market mechanism. Since it grants to each citizen the same
amount of political-economic power, it represents an implementation of
socialism. It is basically a device that allows the realization of democratic
socialism or economic democracy.
END OF CHAPTER 6